15 July 2026 · 7 min read

The Two Kinds of Deflation

Prices can fall for two opposite reasons: because the money itself is being destroyed in a debt collapse, or because things are getting cheaper to make. The Great Depression was the first kind, people still lump the two together anyway, and steady price falls don't stop people buying.

People say deflation caused the Great Depression. Prices can fall for two opposite reasons. In a debt collapse, prices fall because the money itself is being destroyed. In a healthy economy, prices fall because things are getting cheaper to make. The first leaves a society poorer. The second is what getting richer looks like. The Great Depression was the first kind. And the reason people don’t delay every purchase when prices fall steadily is already sitting in your pocket.

Two different events that share a symptom

Most money is loaned into existence [when a bank makes a loan, it creates the deposit it hands you, so new money appears together with the debt]. When loans go bad on a large scale and the banks behind them fail, that money disappears again.

In the United States, credit expanded hugely through the 1920s, including loans taken out just to buy shares. When the boom broke, borrowers defaulted, and their defaults became their banks’ losses. Banks failed, and when a bank failed, the deposits inside it vanished. Thousands of banks went down, the amount of money in the economy shrank by roughly a third, and prices fell by about a quarter, a fall that owed nothing to anyone getting better at making things. The money side of every price was collapsing.

Falling prices then made everything worse, because debts are nominal [the pound amount you owe stays fixed whether prices rise or fall]. Your wage falls with prices but your mortgage payment doesn’t, so the same debt takes a bigger bite of a shrinking income. More people default, more banks fail, more money vanishes, prices fall further. That loop has a name, debt deflation, and it’s real. It’s the fever of a dying credit structure. Blaming the Depression on falling prices is blaming the fever for the infection.

The other kind of falling prices has nothing to do with any of that. When a producer finds a way to make the same thing with fewer hours, less energy and less material, the price drifts down towards what it costs to make one more unit [the marginal cost], because any producer who keeps the old price gets undercut by a rival who passes the saving on. No money is destroyed. No default is doing the work. Where prices are allowed to fall like that, your wage buys more year after year. Photographs used to cost real money, in film, developing and postage. Today taking a photo and sending it around the world is near-free, and the world around photography exploded.

So the two kinds run in opposite directions on everything that matters. In a debt collapse, the money is imploding, and none of the fall comes from the goods getting cheaper to make. In productivity deflation, the money is unchanged and the goods are improving. Same direction on a price chart, opposite meaning for your life.

History even shows you both at once. In the last decades of the 1800s, prices in Britain and America drifted gently down for years while output and living standards rose enormously. That’s the good kind. The painful episodes inside those same decades were America’s banking panics of 1873 and 1893, which were the credit kind. The distinction is exactly what makes that era readable at all.

Why people lump them together

First, inside a money system that can create money at will, the bad kind is what dominates the data. The system can’t tolerate broadly falling prices, for exactly the mortgage-versus-wage reason above. So when technology pushes prices down, the government and central bank create more money and credit to push them back up, and the good kind of deflation gets smothered before it can spread across a whole economy. That power was taken on to stop crashes like 1873 and 1893. Once the hard limit came off, the power buried the good kind along with the bad. That’s why every deep, economy-wide deflation of the past century came with a crash. An economist who says “deflation means depression” is reading the sample in good faith. The sample was produced by a system built to stop the benign case before it spreads.

Second, the theory was written from inside that system. If you take debt-based money as a permanent fact of nature, then falling prices are dangerous, and the models say so correctly. The mistake is the premise, a design constraint of one particular money system treated as a law about falling prices as such.

Third, the language and the incentive, and the only reason that involves anyone’s interests. One word, deflation, carries both events, and states that fund themselves by expanding the money supply have no reason to split that word, because once you split it, “we need 2% inflation” stops sounding like physics and starts sounding like a choice. We call 2% inflation “price stability”.

And there’s a tell you can check yourself. In the corners of the economy where deflation is allowed to run, you won’t find a depression. Electronics have fallen in price, for what they do, for 50 years, and the sector doing it is one of the most dynamic on earth.

Wouldn’t people delay every purchase?

You already live inside this experiment, and your own behaviour answers it. You know next year’s phone will be better and cheaper for what it does. People queue overnight to buy this year’s anyway. Fifty years of relentless, predictable price falls in computing, and the world keeps buying more of it, not less.

Why do people buy anyway? Because you buy things for their use, and waiting has a cost, which is living without the thing. You buy the coat because winter is now. You buy the phone because of what it does for you starting today. Computing is where the objection should bite hardest. The fall there is fast, buyers know it’s coming, and use still wins. Across a whole economy the fall is far slower than that. If prices fall at something like 5% a year, waiting a full year on a £1,000 purchase saves you £50, and the price of that £50 is a year without the thing. Set against a coat you need this winter, that isn’t a trade people take.

What does get deferred is the purchase you didn’t really want. The impulse buy, the fourth gadget, the thing you bought partly because holding cash is punished today. That’s waste being trimmed. The other change is that big purchases shift from borrowing to saving, because saving finally works. Wait six months, pay less, owe nothing. Credit gets smaller, dearer and more honest, reserved for uses that beat the alternative of just holding your money.

Turn the objection around and it claims people will only spend if their savings are quietly drained. That’s an argument that the economy runs on a form of theft, and it fails its own test. If inflation made people spend their way to prosperity, the highest-inflation countries would be the richest on earth. What you actually see there is people desperately swapping their pay for anything solid the day it arrives.

The strongest version of the objection is about debt and investment. In deflation the real cost of borrowing rises [the pounds you repay buy more than the pounds you borrowed], and a firm whose selling prices fall faster than its own costs gets squeezed. That’s true, and inside a leveraged system [running on borrowed money] a squeeze becomes a default, which is exactly why you can’t flip today’s economy onto falling prices overnight. The debt structure has to shrink first, or be built differently. Productivity deflation runs the other way round. The price falls because the firm found a way to make the thing with fewer hours and less material, so its cost per unit has already come down by the time its price does. In an economy built on hard money from the start, wages hold roughly steady while most of what they buy gets cheaper, so workers gain without renegotiating, and firms earn their margin through efficiency rather than price rises. Investment carries on, disciplined, funded more by savings and ownership stakes than by cheap credit. Innovation doesn’t need cheap credit.

The fever and the infection

Followed to its end, the Depression argument is an argument against building an economy on leveraged, debt-based money, because that structure turns the natural result of human progress, cheaper things, into a doom loop. The infection is the debt. Deflation is what abundance looks like when the money is allowed to tell the truth. Only a money that nobody can expand, and that isn’t loaned into existence, lets prices fall with productivity without dragging a credit pyramid down behind them. That’s the job bitcoin applies for. The conclusion of the story, once you can tell the two kinds apart.

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